A Roadmap for CANZUK

A step-by-step plan to get the ball rolling

Impatience is a double-edged sword. At its worst, it compels one to be brash and impulsive. On the other hand, if that impatience follows a period of relative patience - of waiting and waiting - then one can argue it’s not a vice.

It is in that spirit that I am sharing my vision for a CANZUK Roadmap.

To be clear, it’s a framework based on my own thoughts. I would not pretend to speak for anyone else in the CANZUK movement, and if the respective governments were to undertake the effort, the final agreements would not necessarily reflect this outline. But this is a conversation starter, and it’s about time we had a conversation.

To begin, this proposal envisions CANZUK as an enhanced alliance among sovereign, independent nations. It would not be exclusive. Each partner would be free to pursue agreements and partnerships of their choosing. It would not be a federation either. While there are a number of people who favour a CANZUK federation, this proposal respectfully declines that direction.

1. Secretaries of State for Commonwealth Affairs and la Francophonie

From 1983 to the recent Cabinet, the federal government had maintained a junior portfolio for la Francophonie. This role has, at various times, been held independently or in conjunction with another portfolio. Recently it was held by Foreign Minister Melanie Joly. Except for Roland Duhamel (1999-2002) and Denis Paradis (2002-2003) they had been members of Cabinet. Minister Joly at the time had the support of Sébastien Carrière, personal representative of the Prime Minister of Canada for La Francophonie, who was appointed on April 5, 2023

At no time had an equal and commensurate position vis a vis the Commonwealth existed, nor has there ever been a “personal representative of the Prime Minister for the Commonwealth.” The closest equivalent would be in 2011 when Prime Minister Stephen Harper named Senator Hugh Segal as “Special Envoy for the Commonwealth.” It is important to note that the remit of this role was confined specifically to working with other member states on the adoption of recommendations made by the ‘Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group’ (of which Segal was a member).

The current Cabinet has eliminated the Secretary of State for la Francophonie position, and in doing so, has reduced Canada’s structural supports in developing relations with its member states, as well as asserting leadership within the organization. This decision should be reversed, while also appointing an equivalent Minister for the Commonwealth.

In establishing and naming a ‘Secretary of State for Commonwealth Affairs,’ the federal government would have a focal point for CANZUK coordination, but also a specific mechanism for improving and deepening relations among a grouping of nearly 60 countries that account for over 1/3 of the world’s population and nearly 20 percent of global GDP. Working as an adjunct to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, a Commonwealth Minister can be tasked with a supportive role where it concerns the bilateral relations with fellow member states, leading efforts at reform and renewal of the Commonwealth Secretariat, as well as being responsible for a dedicated ‘CANZUK Secretariat’ that would be tasked with the ‘deliverables’ that would result in the successful negotiation and possible ratification of treaties respecting trade and free movement.

It is recommended that the government reestablish the position of Secretary of State for la Francophonie. It is also recommended that the initial preparatory step on the roadmap to CANZUK be the naming of a junior minister for the Commonwealth who can be a coordinating point of contact for the initiative. Their office would include a specialized unit of policy advisors to serve as a ‘CANZUK Secretariat’ tasked with policy and technical research pursuant to any negotiations.

This Secretariat could be tasked with issues of broader Commonwealth relations – both bilateral and multi-lateral once CANZUK has been implemented.

2.0. CANZUK Summits

An established CANZUK Secretariat would act in a coordinating and logistical role for the hosting of a CANZUK Summit in Ottawa, that would follow the format of the Commonwealth’s biennial Heads of Government Meetings (CHOGM). It would consist of a CANZUK Leaders’ Summit, a CANZUK Business Summit, and a CANZUK ‘People’s Forum’

RATIONALE: The ‘tripartite’ nature of a summit allows not only for a fulsome discussion of issues across all stakeholder groups but also for greater promotion of CANZUK as an enhancement to the foreign policy / trade / security compliment for each of the countries. The opportunity to positively promote CANZUK as such will aid in its popular attraction.

2.1 Leaders’ Summit

It is proposed that an introductory ‘CANZUK Leaders’ Summit’ be set for Ottawa, and with the Prime Minister issuing a formal invitation to their contemporaries to meet to discuss both the prospective negotiation of CANZUK Agreements respecting trade and freedom of movement.

Canada is well placed to serve as an interlocutor due to several factors, including:

1. The reluctance of the United Kingdom to play a central coordinating role due to the political concerns surrounding the Imperial legacy, and the “appearance” of embarking on an Empire 2.0 project, as well as the lack of institutional bandwidth within the UK government – a function of re-establishing an International Trade Department after decades and focusing on the negotiation of ‘grandfathering’ agreements to continue EU arrangements with 3^rd parties post-Brexit.

2. Canada’s size (population and GDP) which exceeds the combined totals for Australia and New Zealand

3. The political will and organizational resources that Canada can commit to taking a central coordinating role where CANZUK is concerned

The formal Heads of Government Summit would consist of the following:

1. The Prime Ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom

2. Their respective Ministers for Foreign Affairs and International Trade

3. Other ministers, parliamentary secretaries, and senior public service officials as required depending on agreed agenda items

4. Delegations from various sub-national jurisdictions (provincial / state / devolved parliaments) where agenda items touch on areas of their jurisdiction or practical control

The timing of a summit would ideally take place during the summer recess of Parliament, making both individuals and resources in Ottawa and the NCR available. This would include meeting rooms in the Parliament Buildings, the Shaw Centre, the National Arts Centre, and other applicable and identified venues.

It would also be suggested that a portion of the summit could be allotted to private meetings among the leaders at the Harrington Lake summer residence, with the parties being restricted to the respective Prime Ministers, their spouses, as well as one senior advisor per delegation.

The summit agenda would also include a formal reception and banquet hosted by the Governor-General at Rideau Hall. Some consideration may be given to extending invitations to the respective High Commissioners of various Commonwealth states posted to Ottawa, as well as an extension of invitations to the Ambassadors to Canada of other G7 member states.

The main purpose of the introductory summit would be to establish the negotiation and ratification of CANZUK treaties publicly as a shared objective, as well as setting in place the processes necessary toward that end (establishment of working groups and their remits, setting basic timelines for negotiation rounds, etc.). Basic plans regarding another CANZUK Summit can also be set, with the host country able to announce the location and begin preparatory work.

2.1.1 Work of the Leader’s Summit

The high-level discussions would focus on two priorities – exploring a comprehensive treaty respecting trade and investment, and a parallel accord respecting freedom of movement and mutual recognition / reciprocity.

The leader’s summit would be primarily concentrated on establishing the basic parameters and scope of potential CANZUK Agreements on Trade and Movement as well as setting a schedule of timelines and tasks for the respective working groups tasked with this work

2.1.1.1 Trade

At present, trade between the 4 CANZUK economies is governed by 5 separate trade agreements:

i. ANZCERTA

ii. Australia – UK FTA

iii. Canada / UK TCA

iv. CPTPP

v. New Zealand – UK FTA

Of the aforementioned agreements, only the CPTPP encompasses all 4 CANZUK economies. This agreement, however, reflects the consensus position of the signatory states – 12 countries with a great deal of variation in terms of levels of development, vibrancy of civil society, as well as legal and governmental processes and institutions. By definition, the larger and more varied the base of signatories, the lower and more flexible terms must be. A blunter way of expressing this can be found in the adage “When you try to be all things to all people you end up being nothing to anyone.”

Because of the high degree of compatibility among the CANZUK states, the ability to exceed the terms of the CPTPP, as well as expand into areas not covered by that treaty – from trade-focused subject areas such as banking, telecommunications and airline (cabotage) rules to other areas such as freedom of movement and other reciprocal treatments – is more likely.

It is recommended that the position of the Canadian government should be for the CANZUK states to undertake a process of harmonizing the terms of existing agreements in a single treaty that reflects a “highest common denominator” approach. Furthermore, that the signatory governments set targets for follow-up negotiations and review to ascertain whether improvements, in whole or in part, can be made.

2.1.1.2 Free Movement

While the Australia-UK and New Zealand-UK Agreements have some basic language respecting mobility, the “gold standard” within CANZUK for free movement is the Trans-Tasman Agreement between Australia and New Zealand. The logical way forward would be to work toward an expansion of this agreement across the four nations.

2. 2 CANZUK Business Summit

Modelled on the template of the “Commonwealth Business Forum” that runs concurrently with the biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings (CHOGMs), the Business Summit would have a formal agenda that consists of a number of roundtables and plenaries. For the Commonwealth Forum, there is an ‘invitation only’ event that consists of a roundtable that includes heads of government and attending corporate CEO’s. This may or may not be included in the program for a CANZUK event

The Commonwealth Business Forums are organized by the Commonwealth Enterprise and Investment Council (CWEIC) and receive financial support in part with corporate sponsorships. It would be recommended that the CWEIC be approached regarding the organizing of a CANZUK event, with an invitation list that includes companies, trade advisory and promotion groups, industry associations and advocacy groups, and chambers of commerce based in CANZUK / Commonwealth / G7 countries.

The background of CWEIC in hosting events of this nature would leverage both their experience and extensive network. Together with representatives from International Trade, convention and event services for the City of Ottawa, the National Capital Commission, and the Ontario and Quebec Ministries for Small Business and Trade, the CWEIC could organize a summit to take place in proximity to the main Leader’s Summit, either within Ottawa or Hull.

The nominal chairs of the CBF are typically the Chair of the CWEIC and the Head of Government for the host nation. Given the ‘density’ and expectations of a CANZUK summit, it is recommended that while the Prime Minister may attend to open the Forum and give introductory welcoming remarks, a member of cabinet attend as the government’s representative in this role. As CANZUK negotiations will involve several files – including Foreign Affairs, International Trade, as well as a Secretary of State for Commonwealth Affairs – that representative would be determined upon consideration.

Some of the possible subjects for roundtables could include (but not restricted to):

· Mutual recognition and portability of credentials

· E-commerce and the Digital Economy

· Strategies for an AI Driven Economy

· Infrastructure Investment, Expansion and Renewal

· Supply Chain Development within CANZUK

· Energy Development

· Skills Training for a Changing Economy

· Facilitating Trade and Co-operation within CANZUK

· CANZUK as a global launchpad

2.3 CANZUK People’s Forum

Adjacent to the CHOGM’s has been a concurrent ‘People’s Forum’ where discussions related to development and civil society have taken place. In the context of the broader Commonwealth, much of the discussion has focused on social justice and inclusivity, particularly in those jurisdictions with modest civil society infrastructures and outstanding rights issues.

A ‘CANZUK People’s Forum’, if it is to be a true complement to the main conferences, should acknowledge the relative robustness of civil society and human rights development among the main participant states. As such, the agenda should focus more on developing partnerships among NGO’s and academic institutions in CANZUK.

The agenda’s focus would include discussions on improving health and wellness within CANZUK, improving educational outcomes, urban development and quality of life concerns, approaches to narrowing rural-urban divides, and improving outcomes and opportunities for Indigenous communities in CANZUK (First Nations, Metis, Inuit, Australian Aboriginal and Maori peoples).

It is recommended that Global Affairs, in conjunction with the Association of Commonwealth Universities, could coordinate this event, with the workshops and plenaries taking place on the campuses of the University of Ottawa and Carleton University. In addition, involvement of the U15 group of universities, as well as the Russell Group / Matariki Network would be an asset.

While it would be premature to propose an agenda, it would be suggested that the primary function of the forum would be to facilitate connections between institutions and organization, with a mind to sharing best practices and forming strategic working partnerships.

2.3.1 Possible proposals

Examples of initiatives that could be championed by a People’s Forum could include:

- The establishment of a scholarship / fellowship program dedicated to CANZUK-oriented research, specifically the enhancement and improvement of relations between the 4 countries. The program could be named in honour of Lord Tweedsmuir (John Buchan), former Governor-General of Canada and acclaimed author. (i.e. “Tweedsmuir Scholar” or “Tweedsmuir Fellow”)

- Bader College, located in Herstmonceaux Castle in East Sussex, UK is a campus of a Canadian University (Queen’s University). Potential discussions could involve a re-orientation to a ‘CANZUK Study Centre’ with a supported curriculum that enjoys full transferable accreditation to various participating academic institutions in CANZUK. This could include the earning of credits sufficient to earn concurrent degrees at 2 or more institutions. The study centre could also act as a hub for research in areas of shared interest and/or avenues of greater CANZUK cooperation

2. 4 Follow-up and Reportage

The summit’s final communique would call for the commissioning of a report that outlines the impact of enhanced CANZUK trade both in terms of quantity (trade flows) and quality (the relative balances in trade versus non-CANZUK or non-Commonwealth bilateral trade relationships)*, as well as areas in which the CANZUK dialogue can be expanded.

* The CANZUK Secretariat, reporting to the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Affairs, could be tasked with this work.

3.0 CANZUK Working Groups (Trade and Free Movement)

As previously noted, the Leader’s Summit should conclude with a commitment to negotiate concurrent accords on trade and freedom of movement, as well as conduct ongoing reviews for the purpose of identifying further improvements and innovations.

3.1 Reciprocal Trade Agreement (RTA)* Working Groups

The RTA working groups would be tasked with the following:

1. Harmonization of terms / tariffs / mutual recognitions (ANZCERTA, Australia – UK FTA, Canada / UK TCA, CPTPP, New Zealand – UK FTA)

2. Draft CANZUK treaty reflecting ‘best practices’ of existing treaties

3. Establishment of ‘Permanent Working Groups’ to consider further enhancements and amendments to CANZUK RTA (by sector):

a. Sector – Agriculture

i. Preliminary discussion on market access quotas (respecting the current regime of supply management in dairy and poultry, which is within the purview of domestic policy)

b. Sector – Extractive Resources

c. Sector – Manufacturing

d. Sector – Financial Services

e. Sector – Transportation

f. Sector – Telecommunications and Broadcasting

i. Sub-committee on telephony & cell networks

g. Sector – Computing /AI

i. Discussion regarding protocols for development and implementation (safeguards)

h. Sector – Space technologies

i. Formal co-operation between national space agencies as well as independent entities

4. Working groups would be comprised of representatives of national and sub-national governments where the subject matter relates specifically to areas of their jurisdiction

* It is recommended that a prospective CANZUK agreement be deemed to be a ‘Reciprocal Trade Agreement’ as opposed to a “free trade treaty”. In doing so, an emphasis is placed on a mutually beneficial partnership as opposed to many agreements where one party extracts an unbalanced amount of benefit at the expense of the other party. The use of the word ‘agreement’ also connotes a partnership of like-minded equals, as opposed to ‘treaty’ which gives the sense of a formal contract that binds and compels parties to conduct themselves in ways that might not be construed as being in their self-interest.

3.1.1 Supply Management

It is recommended that the position of the Canadian government should be to seek a grandfathering of access terms with respect to areas where supply management regimes exist in agricultural commodities (e.g. dairy products). This would mean carrying forward market quotas for Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom established in existing treaties. Barring a revisitation of supply management by the government, negotiations on levels, as well as the level of tariff when quotas are exceeded.

Bill C-282 would eliminate the ability of Canada to increase the size of existing tariff rate quotas either through the CPTPP or the Canada-UK TCA. In the case of the UK, the share of access granted under CETA through its previous EU membership expired on December 31, 2023. Currently cheese from the UK falls under a decreased cheese quota to the WTO Non-EU Reserve Quota, with “over access” British cheese imports subject to tariffs of up to 245.5 percent. If Canada cannot accede to increasing the tariff rate quota, it could offer a decreased tariff on amounts that exceed the quota.

In the context of a negotiation, it is recognized that supply management is an important domestic policy that both the Liberal and Conservative parties have committed to, and that any change would be driven by domestic considerations rather than external negotiations. Rather than consider what a changed Canadian policy might be, attention should be given to what can be done in the interim.

It is important to note that the dairy sector is significant enough to Australia and New Zealand that excluding it from an agreement may scuttle the talks completely. Compromise on the TRQ level is a narrow, but practical, path.

3.2 Free Movement Working Groups

Using the existing Trans-Tasman Agreement between Australia and New Zealand as a starting point for discussion, the structure of negotiations would be directed into working groups that would tackle such topics as:

1. Mutual recognition of professional accreditations

2. Portability of government services

As in the case of trade working groups, representation would reflect national and sub-national governments where the subject matter relates specifically to areas of their jurisdiction (e.g. Canadian provinces vis a vis healthcare, Quebec as it pertains to pension plans).

It is important to note that the Trans-Tasman does include certain restrictions on freedom of movement, including criminal records, access to certain social security benefits and the ability to apply for permanent residency. In Australia, social benefit access and PR designations for New Zealanders still require a permanent visa.

4.0 Defence and Security Working Group

A Defence and Security Working Group would build upon existing relationships / partnerships (NATO, Five Eyes) and would consist of senior leadership, including:

1. Ministers of Defense

2. Directors of National Security Organizations

3. Senior military staff and intelligence officers

Immediate objectives would be the following:

1. Coordination of procurement of military assets and enhanced interoperability of weapons and surveillance systems, including cooperation in the areas of secure/protected research and development of new platforms and techniques

2. Greater coordination among forces personnel, including mutual recognition and increased joint training and use of national defence facilities / training facilities.

A short to medium term goal may be to create a framework for procurement. Given the issues present in DND procurement processes, there could be an opportunity to utilize British and Australian military procurement infrastructure as a temporary measure while a more fulsome review and reform of DND’s process is undertaken.

Also, given some public comments in the US regarding exclusion of Canada from Five Eyes discussions and participation, a secondary configuration around CANZUK for intelligence sharing would serve as an insurance policy for Canada in this regard.

5.0 Conclusion

The changing geopolitical landscape leaves Canada exposed to the vagaries of new international order. This environment has not seen this approximate set of conditions since the early 1930s. At that time, Canada had a readily accessible and effective allied network in the British Empire / Commonwealth. This time, no such robust equivalent exists.

Canada’s choices can be summed up as follows:

1. A status quo

2. Agree to talks pursuant to an eventual union with the United States of America;

3. Initiate talks pursuant to membership in the European Union;

4. Begin the work to lead the creation of a CANZUK grouping that integrates economic, investment, military and geostrategic cooperation while preserving the sovereign independence of the member nations states

Option 1 has led us to this current state of affairs, while Options 2 and 3 will result in the cessation of Canada as a sovereign and independent federation. Option 4 stands as the only choice that guarantees Canada’s future viability.

In all cases, Canada must extract as many efficiencies as possible (such as full interprovincial free trade) and a dramatic building up of our infrastructure, industrial and military capacities in sufficient time as to be ready for an abrupt change in global conditions. But the CANZUK option is the one that safeguards Canada’s future, is shovel-ready, and embeds Canada’s place in new liberal democratic pole in the emerging multipolar world.

Combined with efforts within la Francophonie and the Americas, Canada can secure its place as a nexus point / indispensable interlocutor for interactions and flows between these three spheres of interest.